The leaders of the movement for universal suffrage for men united forces with the women suffragists, and in 1898 accomplished their purpose.

In 1866 a second met at Baltimore; a third at Chicago in 1867; and a fourth at New York in 1868, to which came woman suffragists and labor-reform agitators.

We are, therefore, face to face with the fact that, while all suffragists are agreed as to the merits of the paper and the need it fills, very few have considered its problems, few have helped to carry its burdens, and no organization today makes itself responsible for any of the paper's expenses.

The paper's support in the future ought to be borne by the body of organized suffragists rather than by the devotion and sacrifice of the few.

But how is the paper to be put into the hands of all suffragists?

In the following pages our readers and the great body of suffragists are taken quite generally into our confidence.

[Illustration: Mrs. Oakes Ames, Staff Artist] One of Mrs. Ames's cartoons brought down the disapprobation of Ex-President Taft but the approbation of a great many suffragists.

Of course, another part of the subscription work is in making changes of address, changing dates of expiration and removing names of those who do not want to continue to receive the paper, such as the anti-suffragists, who do not want to be converted, to whom some relative or friend or acquaintance has been sending the paper out of her own pocket.

In this connection it ought to be said here that all subscriptions divide into two classes: Those that are expected to make converts and may or may not be expected to renew, and second, those who are suffragists and may logically be expected to renew.

How many of the total number of discontinuances come from the use of the paper as propaganda literature, and how many come from the rank and file of suffragists whom we ought to be expected to hold as regular readers, cannot be known.

In addition we have other lists totaling about 32,000 suffragists whose names are not on our books.

They have the faith but not the knowledge to make converts, to answer objections, to write "copy" for the newspapers, to make addresses, to take part in debates, to write articles for the magazines, and to do the thousand and one things that suffragists must do if the present generation of women is not to go down to the grave unenfranchised as their mothers and grandmothers did.

Nearly 70,000 known suffragists who do not subscribe.

No matter how necessary to the cause of equal suffrage it may be to enroll those 68,000 suffragists as readers, the United States Post Office will not sell us stamps for writing to them unless we can make cash payments.

But if the paper is to do its part in the general suffrage work, it must be through the body of organized suffragists, and not single-handed.

To an advertising agent who has seen in a suffrage parade in New York, Boston, Philadelphia, or Washington from 10,000 to 50,000 suffragists, it is hard to explain why the national paper going to forty-eight States, has less than 30,000 subscribers.

In a nutshell, then, what the advertising department needs is that great body of non-subscribing suffragists to enroll as readers.

What, then, can suffragists do for the advertising department?

Imagine what would happen if twenty suffragists in each city in the country were to call on the advertisers doing business there and urge them to advertise in the Journal!

Practically all suffragists use it, but no one has ever contributed a penny toward its support, and no organization has ever made an appropriation to maintain it.

The result has been that such stories as the analysis of the source of income of the anti-suffragists has had very wide publicity.

Other suffragists adopt other methods of making the paper known to the public.

Hers is an example of the way suffragists feel toward the Woman's Journal.

Its stockholders are interested in furthering the cause of equal suffrage through a paper owned and managed by suffragists.

Others settled later, and under the influence of the "uptown scum," as the employers' association gallantly termed the Women's Trade Union League, the Colony Club, and the Suffragists, still others reluctantly gave in.